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Abstract:
On the author of the 1919 Persian history "Nasiru’d-Din Shah and the Babis," including a translation of passages on Tahirih.
Notes:
Adapted from h-net.org/~bahai/notes/vol4/nazif.htm.
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1. Süleyman Nazif's Nasiruddin Shah ve Babiler, "Nasiru’d-Din Shah and the Babis"(Kanaat Kütüphanesi: Istanbul 1923) Süleyman Nazif (1870-1927) was an eminent Turkish poet who nowadays is neglected. He mastered Arabic, Persian and French and worked for several government posts during the reign of Sultan Abdulhamid II. In 1897 he fled to Europe, including Paris where he wrote in favour of a constitutional government. After returning from Europe, Abdulhamid gave him a post as chief secretary of a ministry in Bursa; at the same time he was an exile because of his political publications in Paris. He returned to Istanbul in 1908 after the Young Turk revolution, and held the office of governor in different cities. Nazif wrote an extensive number of nationalistic articles for newspapers. As a result of a speech in January 1920 (when Istanbul was being occupied by the Allied Powers after WW I) in favour of the French turcophile Pierre Loti, who displeased Britain, Nazif was banished to Malta, where he stayed twenty months with more than a hundred other enemies of Britain. Süleyman Nazif died in Istanbul. Among other published works of Süleyman Nazif is this little book Nasiruddin Shah ve Babiler (“Nasiru’d-Din Shah and the Babis”).[1] In his own words, it is not an important historical account but a mere record of personal encounters and memoirs. Nazif says that it was his duty not to be indifferent and insensitive towards important events that took place in the last hundred years in Persia and the Ottoman Empire. He regards the emergence and changing situation of two people as the worthiest events to be reflected upon in the Near East since the dawn of history in Asia. According to his own words, he received the first substantial information on the Babis during his stay in Paris, from the poet Catulle Mendès.[2] The latter asked him how he viewed the Babis, stating that since Nazif was a Turk and spoke Persian, he must know more about them than Westerners. Nazif notes that until then, like many other Easterners, he had no substantial knowledge or good opinion about the Babis, and that when he heard the name “Babi” he imagined “a pair of bloodthirsty black eyes and a bloodstained dagger”. His reply to Mendès was that he had not studied the Babis and that in his country people spoke with fear about them, adding that “anarchist” in the West was equal to “Babi” in the East. To Mendès, this answer was insufficient. After talking about the works on the Babis he had read and summarising those, Mendès said with excitement that it is a pity that the Easterners, and in particular the Iranians, have misunderstood the Babis. Nazif concludes that this was a big mistake, and Nasiru’d-Din Shah, that poor ignorant, paid for this mistake with his blood because for fifty years he stubbornly refused renewal (p. 14). In his book, Süleyman Nazif places Babi-Bahai history in the context of Iranian and Ottoman history. He recounts the genesis, development and fate of the Babi movement in Iran and the Ottoman Empire. He regards Ali Muhammad Shirazi, the Bab, as a true Muslim who preached the Islamic shari‘a and was faithful to it; later his followers distorted his teachings and established a tariqa in his name, probably as a result of and out of protest to what they experienced at the hands of the Iranian government. The brothers Sayyid Hasan and Sayyid Husayn, who were imprisoned with him but abandoned him after being released, were more fanatical Babis than Ali Muhammad Shirazi himself. They presented a more exaggerated Babism (ghulat-i Babiyya) than the Bab and and even wrote a Qur’an on his behalf without his knowledge (p. 49). A special concern of Nazif is his admiration of Tahirih’s person, her beauty, and her virtues, expressed with magnificent words intended to eternalise her (see translation below). Contrary to official sources on Tahirih’s death, Nazif says that she was burned alive at the fortress in Tehran. Interestingly, he describes her as the “youhtful Turkish woman from Qazvin”. Nazif also dwells on the personality of ‘Abdu’l-Baha, and conveys to the reader his encounter with him in 1917 in Haifa. Abbas Efendi, “son and successor of the famous Baha’u’llah”, who had withdrawn from Babism[3] and established an independent mezheb/madhhab and, as stated by himself, a tarikat/tariqa, moved from ‘Akka to Haifa after the Second Constitution (Young Turk coup d’etat, 1908). Because his words and statements were for the most part distorted, ‘Abdu’l-Baha initially received visitors with suspicion. But then he was assured of Nazif’s sincerity and talked about all the events since his childhood (p. 18). In connection with the exile of Mirza Yahya Subh-i Azal to Cyprus, Nazif notes that at that time the famous poet Ziya Pasha was governor of Cyprus. Here, as maintained by some Western historians, he had met Subh-i Azal and laid the foundations of the contacts between the Babis and the “Young Ottomans”[4], yet there is nothing to support this. Nazif remarks that “The more the Babis retreated towards the West, the goals and fundamentals they pursued also changed. The religious movement in Iran gradually took a social form”. He moreover relates that ‘Abdu’l-Baha was acquainted with Ziya Pasha and had communicated with him and Namik Kemal, another reform-minded and important figure among Ottoman literati of the Tanzimat (“reordering”) era: “When I met ‘Abbas Efendi… he told me with complete sorrow that he had an extensive correspondence with Kemal Bey but that out of worry over the investigation and persecution in the time of Sultan Abdulhamid II, he had burnt those letters” (pp. 52-53). A few months after the publication of the book Beyrut Vilayeti[5], in the first volume of which twelve pages deal with the authors’ three meetings with ‘Abdu’l-Baha, Nazif met him in Haifa; the Baha’i leader complained that his statements and ideas were misrepresented there or not properly understood. Nazif confirms that some statements in those pages are not congruent with the “manifest intelligence” of ‘Abdu’l-Baha, and adds: “I do not know how real ‘Abbas Efendi’s sincerity towards me was. I have not witnessed anything that corresponded to his insincerity” (p. 87). Süleyman Nazif ends the story of his encounter with ‘Abdu’l-Baha with the latter’s words that “We have no belief that is contrary to true Islam. Our judgment (ijtihad) is in accord with the spirit of Islam, let alone contrary”. Finally, in a letter written to Nazif in Turkish and appended to the book, ‘Abdu’l-Baha complains about some articles on him, published in the newspaper Tasvir-i Efkâr[6]; he says that the information was received second hand by Westerners from certain persons in Istanbul who outwardly appear as Babis. Nazif, ‘Abdu’l-Baha states, who is a lover of truth and has studied the writings of Baha’u’llah, should scrutinise his replies to European and American newspapers and his Tablet to the Hague that contains the fundamentals of the Baha’i movement, and thus free himself from various kinds of prejudices[7]. Nazif assures the reader that he wrote down what he read about ‘Abdu’l-Baha and had witnessed himself without alteration, and that, after studying the letter and the newspapers ‘Abdu’l-Baha had sent to him, it is not his to write in favour or against his madhhab or tariqa. Although Süleyman Nazif’s work has some factual errors, it can be regarded as an important primary source with regard to first-hand information that was not accessible before to the Western reader. Like other Ottoman sources from the 1910’s and 1920’s on the Babi and Baha’i religions, Nazif’s book is also highly positive and unbiased, something that modern Turkish academic literature fails to achieve. Notes: * I am much indebted to Sholeh A. Quinn for proof-reading and revising this paper. No part of it may be reproduced and cited except with the express permission of the author. [1] Written in 1919 as dated in the foreword, published 1923 (Ottoman script, 103 pages; Kanaat Kütüphanesi Matbaasi, Istanbul). Nazif appended a poem of Tahirih and a letter in Turkish by ‘Abdu’l-Baha to him. [2] French poet and writer, 1844-1909. [3] Nazif, p. 53: “Abbas Efendi had told me clearly and emphatically that he was not a Babi”, and: “Abbas Efendi withdrew from Babism and even was praying to God to guard him from it… It is also true that Subh-i Azal was surrounded by the company of the wicked and degenerated Babis. The power and grandeur was on Baha’u’llah’s side, as it is only Baha’u’llah’s still well established creed (mezheb) and order (tarikat) that is esteemed and influential in Europe and America” (p. 53, 54). [4] First generation of Ottoman reformist intellectuals who advocated a liberal constitutional regime after European and Islamic ideals. Under the leadership of Midhat Pasha they succeeded in drafting the first constitution (meshrutiyet) in 1876. Their ideas were later inherited and developed by the “Young Turks”. [5] A salnâme (yearbook) of the Beirut district, written by Mehmet Refik (Temimi)/ Mehmet Behcet (Yazar); 2 vols., Vilayet Matbaasi: 1335/1917; 1:10-15, “Babiler ve Babizm” (The Babis and Babism), and 1:269-80 “Babiler ve Babizm Hakkinda Tedkikât-i Mahalliye” (A Regional Study of the Babis and Babism). The authors approached ‘Abdu’l-Baha having heard that he is hiding the truths of his tariqa and appeared as a true Muslim; their observation after leaving the third meeting with him is: “Isn’t he a good actor?”. [6] This book was first published in installations in this newspaper from 5 -28 January 1920. [7] The letter (dated 17 Sha‘ban 1338, signed ‘Abbas-i Irani) was entrusted to Nazif after his exile in Malta and ‘Abdu’l-Baha’s death by some Baha’is. 2. Translation of passages on Tahirih
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